Taiwan’s Democracy Under Siege: Why Mass Recall Is a Last Line of Defense


By Lōa Tiong-kiông (賴中強)

In May of last year, Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan passed a sweeping bill—dubbed the “Legislative Power Expansion Act”—championed by the Kuomintang (KMT) and Taiwan People's Party (TPP). This legislation, driven by party heavyweights Fu Kun-chi, Huang Kuo-chang, and Weng Hsiao-ling, drastically shifted the balance of power, enabling legislators to override constitutional norms and target both citizens and officials with invasive demands.

The bill granted individual legislators powers to compel disclosure of private personal data, business trade secrets, and organizational documents within five days. Lawmakers could effectively summon or demand reports from private citizens, military units, civil groups, or corporations—with limited checks on their authority. Failure to comply could result in legal penalties. Meanwhile, legislators could lie without consequence, but any perceived dishonesty from officials could be punished with imprisonment for “contempt of the legislature.”

Fortunately, Taiwan’s Constitutional Court intervened, striking down key provisions as unconstitutional. Public backlash was swift and vocal, with demonstrators—nicknamed the “Bluebirds”—taking to the streets near the Legislative Yuan. But the larger threat remained: how far would the legislature go to entrench its new powers?

The answer came in December. On the night of December 20, under cover of procedural speed and numerical dominance, KMT and TPP lawmakers passed what critics have labeled the “Three Authoritarian Laws”: amendments to the Election and Recall Act, the Constitutional Court Procedure Act, and the Fiscal Revenue and Expenditure Distribution Act.

Each of these changes struck at a pillar of Taiwan’s democratic framework.

First, the amended Election and Recall Act imposed new burdens on citizens seeking to initiate recall votes—including mandatory submission of national ID numbers, increasing both the administrative burden and risks of data misuse or fraud. Ironically, had KMT-TPP leaders not delayed the law’s final promulgation, even the current wave of recall movements may have been legally blocked.

The assault on judicial independence was more calculated. The new Constitutional Court Procedure Act now requires the presence of ten Grand Justices to deliberate a case—despite only eight sitting Justices currently serving, due to partisan obstruction of appointments. Even if the Court could convene, nine of the ten Justices would have to agree for a law to be ruled unconstitutional. The result is judicial paralysis: since the amendment, the Constitutional Court has not been able to hear any cases.

With these safeguards dismantled, the legislature’s first major move was the Fiscal Revenue and Expenditure Distribution Act. On its surface, it shifts funds from the central government to local governments—an attractive proposition for regional leaders. In practice, it redirects over NT$375 billion (approx. USD 11.5 billion) in central government revenue to the local level without transferring any of the corresponding responsibilities or fiscal burdens.

This is the equivalent of telling a partner: “From now on, I’ll take your salary, but you still have to pay the bills.”

Taiwan’s Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics estimates that this shift will slash the central budget for welfare, education, infrastructure, and public services by 30%. Watchdogs warn that without mechanisms to regulate how local governments use these windfalls, the new law could fuel corruption, waste, and electoral patronage.

It’s no surprise that just days after these laws passed, a wave of anger swept across Taiwan. Citizens poured into the streets to demand accountability—and began organizing large-scale recall campaigns against lawmakers who enabled this erosion of democratic checks and balances.

These recalls aren’t just about ousting politicians. They are about reversing laws that weaken democratic institutions and concentrating unaccountable power in the hands of a legislative majority. The recalls are a last resort—an attempt by civil society to reimpose constitutional guardrails and defend a fragile democracy under siege.

If Taiwan is to continue serving as a beacon of democratic resilience in the Indo-Pacific, the international community must pay close attention—not only to threats from without, but also to the erosion of institutions from within.


Original article: https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1A5Q3rZutU/

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