Cultural Sovereignty as Defense: What Taiwan Can Learn From Ukraine’s De-Russification

In its struggle against Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine has not only resisted militarily but has also launched an assertive campaign on the cultural front. Through legislative measures passed in 2023, Ukraine banned the import of books and music produced by Russian citizens after 1991—unless those individuals have publicly denounced the Kremlin’s aggression. It also mandated greater representation of Ukrainian-language content in media and broadcasting. These moves are not symbolic—they are strategic, reflecting an understanding that language, memory, and identity are central to national sovereignty.

Taiwan, similarly under constant threat from a powerful authoritarian neighbor, might do well to ask: Has it truly reckoned with the scope of China’s cultural influence? And more pointedly—has Taiwan begun to decolonize its language, education, and cultural spaces from the legacy of Chinese domination?

Despite Taiwan’s vibrant democracy and resilient civil society, the presence of Mandarin Chinese as the dominant language in education, media, and governance—an inheritance of both KMT authoritarianism and cultural Sinicization—remains largely unchallenged. Local languages such as Taiwanese, Hakka, and Indigenous languages have seen modest revival efforts, but they still occupy a marginal place in public discourse.

Meanwhile, Chinese-language media content—from drama series to music and translated literature—continues to saturate Taiwan’s cultural market, often without clear distinction between “Chinese” and “Taiwanese” sources. In many cases, Chinese influence is consumed unconsciously, with little awareness of its political and psychological implications. In contrast to Ukraine, where Russian is increasingly viewed as a language of occupation, Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan remains largely depoliticized, despite being a central instrument of China’s ideological projection.

Taiwan’s geopolitical vulnerability is compounded by this cultural ambiguity. A nation that relies primarily on the language and cultural frameworks of its existential threat will find it harder to build a distinct identity in times of crisis. If Taiwan aspires to solidify its status as a self-governing democracy with a unique global role, it must confront not only the military and economic dimensions of Chinese pressure, but also the long shadow of cultural assimilation.

This does not mean banning Mandarin or replicating China’s censorship apparatus in reverse. Rather, it calls for a conscious rebalancing—a state- and society-wide effort to elevate local languages and de-center Mandarin as the sole “official” mode of expression. It also means fostering a cultural confidence that resists the subtle normalization of Chinese narratives, particularly in media, education, and the arts.

Taiwan has the legal and institutional tools to begin this process. What’s needed is political will and civic imagination.

The lesson from Ukraine is clear: defense is not only about missiles and soldiers—it’s about memory, language, and the stories we tell ourselves. Without a clear cultural frontier, a political frontier may eventually erode. And in the face of an authoritarian power skilled in soft influence, cultural sovereignty is no longer optional—it is essential.

As Ukraine shows, cultural decolonization is not xenophobia—it is survival. Taiwan, too, deserves to speak with its own voice. The world is listening. But is Taiwan ready to speak?

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